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Ahn Kyu-baek, Minister of National Defense, stated, "The reorganization plan for the Defense Counterintelligence Command (DCC) goes beyond a simple organizational restructuring or functional adjustment. It restructures the organization and missions so that our military's intelligence agencies can never intervene in politics again, marking a historic watershed in the 'construction of a military of the people.' We will reflect on the painful historical lessons of the past and establish a counterintelligence organization and system fitting for a new era." The Ministry of National Defense has officially declared the dissolution of the DCC (formerly the Defense Security Command), which had reigned as the 'supreme power within the military' wielding absolute intelligence authority since the military regime era, putting it on the most intense surgical table since its creation.

Minister Ahn held a press conference at the Ministry of National Defense briefing room on the afternoon of June 10 and announced a high-intensity organizational reform plan that dissolves the DCC and scatters its functions in all directions. The core of this reorganization plan is to completely shatter the bloated power of the DCC and completely abolish the 'trend investigation, personnel intelligence, and reputation collection' functions, which had been utilized as weapons to spy on the private lives of military personnel. Instead, the military decided to create the 'Defense Counterintelligence Headquarters,' which exclusively charges counterintelligence, defense industry intelligence, and cyber security, and the 'Defense Security Support Group,' which performs central security audits and security accident investigations above the corps level, as separate independent units. In particular, the security investigation function and the joint investigation authority during martial law, which were the powerful power bases of the DCC, will be completely stripped from the counterintelligence organization and thoroughly transferred to the 'Ministry of National Defense Investigation Command.'

Furthermore, the Ministry of National Defense deployed dense democratic control frameworks to prevent the newly established Counterintelligence Headquarters from turning into an authoritarian power organ. For the first time, an external high-ranking audit public official will be appointed to the position of Chief of the Inspection Office within the newly established Counterintelligence Headquarters to enhance transparency. Concurrently, an exclusive oversight organization within the Ministry of National Defense headquarters and the 'Compliance Monitoring Committee' consisting of private experts directly under the Minister will be established to construct an external surveillance framework. The ministry will also make it mandatory to establish basic guidelines for counterintelligence activities and report them regularly to the National Assembly standing committees, while driving the enactment of the '(tentative name) Act on the Performance of Duties by Military Counterintelligence Personnel' to punish overstepping actions of unit members. In particular, for bold personnel renewal, participants in the recent December 3 martial law incident and those involved in misconduct will be completely excluded from the personnel composition, and the closed personnel management system of the DCC will be integrated into the pan-military common system to secure transparency. The military plans to complete the creation of the new organizations by the end of July, when the formulation and amendment of relevant unit decrees are finalized.

The government's move to put forward a reorganization plan that liquidates the remnants of political intervention by military intelligence agencies and dismantles and downgrades bloated power by function is evaluated as an entirely natural and inevitable judicial and administrative measure to establish the principles of democratization and civilian control of the military. In particular, completely cutting out the participants of the December 3 martial law from the organization and fundamentally abolishing the trend investigation rights that military intelligence agencies had constantly abused is a politically resolute and clear decision that forces them to remain faithful to the essence of national security and defense security, which are the intrinsic duties of military intelligence agencies.

However, critics point out that for these grand-scale organizational dissolutions and functional dispersion efforts to avoid ending up as a simple 'signboard swap' or a proliferation of bureaucratic control devices, 'practical post-alignments (post-guidelines)' capable of tuning security intelligence blanks and leadership disputes among intelligence-related departments that may occur after the reorganization must be perfectly supported. This is because as investigation authority goes to the Investigation Command, counterintelligence to the Counterintelligence Headquarters, and security to the Security Support Group, concerns emerge within the military that early responses could be delayed due to turf wars or 'ping-pong administration' among departments when national security crises like anti-espionage operations or defense secret leaks break out. The Ministry of National Defense must build an organic intelligence sharing mechanism among these dispersed units into a digitalized post-integrated system before the final launch at the end of July, and complete practical post-administrations that guarantee substantial independent investigation authority of the Inspection Office—where the high-ranking external public official will be appointed—by regulations. Furthermore, only when the boundaries of legal intelligence collection are clearly defined in the newly enacted 'Act on the Performance of Duties by Military Counterintelligence Personnel' will it be able to reborn as an authentic 'military of the people' that fulfills political neutrality without weakening security capabilities.
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